The Iglesia de San Servacio, or the Church of Saint Servatius, is located in the beautiful colonial city of Valladolid on the south edge of the Parque Francisco Canton. The city itself was founded by Fancisco de Montejo on May 23, 1543 after he and his forces defeated and suppressed the Zaci Mayans. The city was named in tribute to the then capital of Spain, Valladolid. The original site of the city was moved to more favorable land in 1545 and soon after construction began on the Iglesia de San Servacio.

The church is a barrel vault cathedral style building with a simple masonry covering on the front side facing the plaza. Noticeably different from European churches of the same style are the vertical port holes on the front wall. These were used during the various rebellions to defend the church from the natives.

The church seen today is not the original, it was replaced in 1705 after a series of violent events in 1703. In January 1703, Miguel Ruiz de Ayuso and Fernando Tovar were elected Mayor and Second Mayor of Valladolid replacing the recently deposed Mayor, Don Fernando Hipólito de Osorno. Ayuso and Tovar were political rivals of Osorno and wanted him captured to fulfill the arrest orders sent down by the Governor, Don Martin de Urzua. Osorno hid in the Iglesia de San Servacio with his friend Gabriel Covarrubias but were found on July 5th, 1703. On the orders of Ayuso and Tovar, they were not arrested but instead beaten. Osorno was dead by the time they arrived at the jail and Covarrubias was then beaten again until death. They both were then hung from the window of their cell. In response to this brutality, the Viceroy ordered for the removal of the Governor and sentenced Ayuso and Tovar to death. In 1705, Bishop Don Pedro de los Rios Reyes ordered the church to be demolished and rebuilt with a new church to help erase the stain left by this atrocity.

Over the course of the next century and a half there were a series of small rebellions eventually leading to the Caste War from 1847 to 1901. Near the beginning of the war the city and church were taken over by the rebels. In 1848, Colonel J. J. Mendez retook the city and church with military force. Today, two of the canons he used during the battle are on display within the church.

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Plaza Mariana is the current name for the area in Northern Mexico City south of Tepeyac Hill. The area has long been a cultural center even before the arrival of the Spanish. The scale of the area has grown over the years, especially in the last few decades, but continues to be an area of cultural importance.

Before the arrival of the Spanish and with them Catholicism, some Aztec groups used this area to worship the mother goddess Tonantzin, going as far as building a temple at the base of Tepeyac Hill. Some time after the arrival of the Spanish the temple was destroyed and a chapel put in its place, though the exact date of the chapel's construction is debated.

Historical records from between 1556 and 1575 make references to the chapel but make no mention of its exact construction date or more importantly to the story that makes up the other argument for an exact date. While the historical evidence points to sometime between 1555 and 1556, the Catholic Church has long supported the legend of Juan Diego and the Lady of Guadalupe as an explanation of when and why the chapel was built.

The story says that in December 1531, the Lady of Guadalupe appeared to a mestizo Christian named Juan Diego near Tepeyac Hill. She told him to tell the bishop Juan de Zumárraga to build a chapel at the base of the hill. Zumárraga did not believe Juan Diego and wanted proof that it was the true Lady of Guadalupe that had appeared to him. She gave Juan Diego fresh roses to carry in his tilma and show to Zumárraga. When Juan Diego opened his tilma the roses spilled out and an image of the Lady of Guadalupe appeared on the cloth. Zumárraga swiftly requisitioned the construction of a church. So while historical records point to a date around 1555, the story supported by the church points to an earlier date between 1531 and 1532. Interestingly, the story itself didn't appear in print until 1648 in a book by a priest named Miguel Sanchez. When asked why this was the first time anyone had heard of this story, he said that people had simply forgotten the story. While the date of the first chapel is still disputed, the other buildings at Plaza Mariana are much less of a mystery.

Some time after the first chapel's construction it was replaced by another chapel that is today called the Ex-Parroquia de Indios. Inside of this chapel you can see the foundation of the original chapel. More outward dedication to the Juan Diego legend began in 1695 with the beginning of the Templo Expiatorio a Cristo Rey, also called the Old Basilica or the Sinking Church. Construction was completed in 1709 and was the first to house the tilma with the image of Our Lady of Guadalupe. The church reached its peak in 1904 when it was given the status of Basilica. In 1921, a bomb inside of a flower pot exploded damaging the building interior but the tilma was not damaged. As the years went on the foundation of the Basilica began to sink into the ground. Rather than demolishing the Basilica, it was restored and a new Basilica built next door to replace it. Between 1974 and 1976, today's main attraction, the Basílica de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe, was built and now houses the original tilma from the Juan Diego story.

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The Cathedral of Puebla is a Baroque style cathedral in the City of Puebla, the capital of the state of Puebla. The cathedral is located on the southern edge of the Zocalo de Puebla but has its side doors instead of its main doors facing the plaza. Construction on the cathedral began in 1575 under the architects Francisco Becerra and Juan de Cigorondo. While construction was delayed between 1626 and 1634 due to mismanagement and lack of funds, it resumed during the time of Bishop Juan de Palafox y Mendoza.

Palafox spent most of his time in New Spain, from 1640 until 1655, trying to combat the Jesuits and convince them to pay tithes that was required of them by the Vatican. The tithes were an important part of the church structure because they were to be used to fund the building of churches and cathedrals throughout New Spain. At the end of his struggle, the Jesuits and the Viceroy managed to get Palafox reassigned to a remote diocese in Spain. However, before his departure, Palafox issued the completion of the cathedral, and on April 18th, 1649 consecrated the church in the name of the Immaculate Conception. Construction continued after the cathedral's consecration and was not finished until 1690 when the front facade was added.

The Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary is a Catholic teaching that deals with how Mary was born without sin. The teaching says that in order for Mary to be fit enough to bear the son of God, she needed to be without sin completely, including original sin that was passed down from Adam and Eve through regular conception. According to Catholic teaching, Mary was conceived within her mother Saint Anne the same way that Jesus was conceived within Mary. Interestingly, though the church was dedicated to the Immaculate conception, the main dome has a painting depicting the Assumption of Mary. Today, the teaching of the immaculate conception is not officially supported by the Catholic Church.

The Assumption of Mary is a Catholic teaching describing the end of the Virgin Mary's life. The story says that at the end of the her life, the Virgin Mary was assumed into heaven wholly as body and soul rather than dying and only her soul going to heaven. This is important to the Catholic Church because according to the church the soul of every person who accepts God goes to heaven but not their bodies. The story was not recognized as religious dogma until 1950 but was taught in some parishes as far back as the 4th century. Today it is taught by Catholic, Eastern Orthodox, and Oriental Orthodox churches.

The city of Puebla was founded in 1531 as a planned city, meaning when The Zocalo of Puebla was the built as the first block the rest of the city was constructed around it in a grid pattern. Typical of Mexican plazas, it is surrounded on its sides by the Government Palace, the cathedral, and several other governmental and commercial buildings. The Zocalo was the primary marketplace for the city at its founding and was also the center of amusement for the people, a source of water through its fountain, and the place where executions were carried out. Over time the city became a stopping point between the port city of Vera Cruz and the capital of Mexico City. Eventually the city grew as an industrialization center.

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The Museo de la Medicina Maya is located in San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Chiapas. On Avenida Salomón González Blanco 10 this site is marked by an arch leading into what appears to be a small hamlet. The area is populated with indigenous Tzotzil Maya. This museum catalogues methods used by the Tzotzil people and includes an open pharmacy where tourists and locals can still purchase herbal cures for most benign illnesses. These illnesses include stomach aches, ear aches, diarrhea, and other common ailments associated with daily living in Mexico.

Tzotzil Maya had five categories of medical specialization. These included: A Pulsador, Rezador de Los Cerros, Huesero, Partera, and a Hierbero.[1] One could compare the pulsador to our American EMT. The key part of this word is pulse. They took the pulses and diagnosed their patients for further treatment.[2] The pulsador would also comfort the sick. Pulsadores learned to read pulses and analyze their patient’s heartbeats to diagnose them. The Rezador de Los Cerros, or H-men, ask the Earth for its spiritual healing powers to cure the sick with the herbs it produces. H-men act as both priests and botanists, learning all aspects of the nature around them to cure the sick. Their specialties lie mostly in treating headaches, stomaches, and other aches and pains.

H-men diagnose through Baraja playing cards to show them what caused the patient’s illness. They use a process called Yupe which is comparable to the Chinese acupuncture technique to cleanse their patients of bad energy. A viper tooth is taken and pressed into specific points on the body and blood is drawn to release the bad fluids from the body. Don Gallo, one of the last modern H-men, explains how these methods were passed on from ancient Maya medicine.[3] Hueseros, from their definition, perform bone setting for their patients.[4] They function as helpers for patients who experience bodily injury. Hueseros believe that physical contact provides them with direct knowledge of their injuries.[5] Parteras attend to women’s reproductive health like a modern gynecologist.[6] These different categories are the result of knowledge gathered through oral tradition and the conquest. It is a known fact that medical traditions were also gathered in the various colonies created during the conquest.[7] This fact guides our understanding of the Maya medical tradition in the present day.

Maya medicine greatly benefited from the plethora of species available in the Yucatan. Chiapas is home to around 1,600 species of medicinal plants used in traditional Maya medicine.[8] Tzotzil medical specialists also used animals and insects for medicinal purposes. Some of the animals processed include the Colibri, Abeja, Ardilla, Araña negra, and Armadillos. Plants are categorized based on their name, location, uses, preparation, administration, and a list of other ingredients that the patient should not consume after ingesting or applying the medicine.

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Like many marvelous structures and phenomena in Mesoamerica, the story of the Basilica de Santa Maria de Guadalupe begins with an indigenous wanderer stumbling upon a site of future significance. A native named Gualpa also stumbled upon a chunk of silver while hunting which led to the discovery of a silver vein at Potosí. Why is this recurring theme key to understanding the Catholic Church and evangelization of natives in Mexico? It was not enough to replace the idols of the indigenous. The Franciscans faced opposition from a long-standing and unique polytheism unlike any other on Earth. In order to evangelize the American natives the Spanish needed extreme tactics to erase their idolatrous ways of life from the Western Hemisphere.

There is doubt as to the existence of an indigenous version of the Virgin. One reason is because the label Tonantzin does not refer to a specific deity but the feminine aspect of any goddess.[1] Tonantzin Tlalli Coatlicue, for example, is a maternal goddess of life and death with her full name to display the Nahua linguistic process of identification. During the conquest Spaniards forced the indigenous to accept Mary as their mother god, or their new Tonantzin. They replaced the reported place of worship at Tepeyac with the first Basilica of Our Lady of Guadalupe. The natives were made to publicly comply with their conqueror’s religion. The persecution of the native priests made it necessary for them to comply publicly.

Another reason contributing to the doubt attribute to this miraculous apparition comes from the record of the event itself. Miguel Sánchez wrote the first account in Spanish in 1648. However, Luis Laso de la Vega, the vicar of Guadalupe, recounted the most popular apparition story in his Huei tlamahuicoltica, written in Nahuatl. Many considered the Nahuatl record a contemporary document and thus more authoritative.[2] Neither of these records were written anytime close to the recorded life of Juan Diego.

To the Spanish the appearance of the Virgin of Guadalupe symbolized her favor toward converting the indigenous to Catholicism. Therefore, it was divinely ordained that the Spaniards should convert the Americas. The question concerning her apparition and the authenticity of Juan Diego’s story remains. In fact, Jeanette Favrot Peterson argues that the Nahuatl verb moextitzino is a reverential form of the verb neci, meaning “to appear” and was used ambiguously in the sixteenth-century to describe public displays sponsored by wealthy patrons. Peterson argues “… the Virgin Mary as Guadalupe was said to have appeared in Mexico to help vanquish paganism; thus, the conquest was justified as due punishment for native idolatry.”[3] The Spanish had their apparition and their justification for continuing conquest in the Americas. Our Lady of Guadalupe spoke in Nahuatl and revealed herself to poor, humble, and virtuous natives.[4] Today Juan Diego is venerated as a saint for his connection to Mary and his faith. He is forever commemorated through this tale and the erection of the basilica in Mexico City.

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It is a hot, sweltering day in Mani, a town that resides deep in the heart of the Yucatán. Crowds of indigenous Maya are entranced by the curious sounds of bells ringing as they proceed to their local Catholic church. Instead of proceeding inside the church that is under construction they remain in the courtyard. Although, it seems uncomfortable to the conquering Spaniards, the thousands of natives who are literally packed into the confines of the courtyard prefer outside worship to one that is enclosed. They have worshiped at this very spot for countless generations and many of their descendants will continue this tradition. How did many of these natives eventually come to embrace a foreign faith, strongly associated with their conquerors, and why do they prefer religious services that were conducted outside? Why does the strict catholic clergy allow variations in worship?

Throughout the sixteenth century cultural integration occurred between the Catholic Spanish and the native peoples of Mexico. The Spanish arrived in Mexico with a set and focused agenda – God, glory, and gold – justifying their conquest through the promotion of their Catholic faith. Languages, arts, and architecture began cultivating a new life from the imposed unity and blending of cultures between these groups. In this case it can be argued syncretism held a major influence towards the depiction of intercultural expressions. The term syncretism indicates the fusion of two or more autonomous beliefs and traditions. Religious architectural innovations in Mexico thrived in the first century of the conquest, specifically in the Yucatán region. These are shown primarily through the structures built by the natives and through the supervision of the Spanish friars, generally Franciscans. The designs of the structures consist of atrios, posas, walls, and frescoes which each carry dense symbolism and meaning. The meticulous care and effort put towards these designs feature the act of syncretism, born out of necessity.

The Spanish attempted to convert these groups but encountered resistance. One member of the Catholic clergy, “lamented the sullen unwillingness or incapacity of Yucatán Maya to learn the basic doctrines of Christianity.” [1] It was when they decided to allow forms of the indigenous faith to be mixed with that of the Spanish Catholicism, did they notice an increase and following amongst the masses. As such, the “mission structures were products of this intercultural cooperation and exploration.” [2]

Atrios, known as atriums, are the open courtyards physically linked to the churches in order to allow larger crowds to gather. In the absence of a roof structure, the atrios were utilized to conduct religious services as an open church. Occasionally, they both included and replaced the bases of the muls (temples), which previously served as ritual sites for the natives. Bishop De Landa, who resided in the city of Mani, elaborated on the demolition of a mul, “we cleared it, and there built us a proper monastery all of stone, and a fine church which we called after the mother of God. [3] Another exemplary depiction that can be seen today is of the Franciscan monastery at Izamal.

These atrios were ideal for the initial conversion of the native peoples in massive groups, while a legitimate church was under construction. They created flexibility for either substantial or meager numbers of the faithful to participate in mass and were inexpensive to build. Apart from the clergy, it was common practice that the participants in the atrios were the Maya. Society was separated by the Spanish and clergy, who viewed themselves as superior, and the native population who were considered subordinate by the conquerors. Therefore, lied a deep understanding that these open churches were exclusively for the Maya’s use. Before the conquest, many places of worship resided in spacious areas outside. Consequently, the friars took it upon themselves to create and use atrios as a method to ease the conversion towards Catholicism.

The walls that encompassed consecrated ground enabled religious services to be tranquilly conducted and served a variety of purposes. As a precedent, they were utilized to enclose the structure both physically and symbolically. Physically, to keep animals out and ensure protection from the elements, and symbolically to emphasize the vast importance of the church. Interestingly, the walls of the church grounds had a multi-dimensional purpose to include acting as a means of defense. Since they “were commonly walled, the whole monastery has been regarded as a stronghold, with its church its last thick-walled defense.” [4] While rare, potential attacks by disgruntled natives and outsiders prompted a need to build a fortress-like wall around the church by its occupants. The Spanish relished in their conquest by demonstrating their permanence and in doing so marked a separate reason for building its walls.

The construction of these walls was made to intimidate and amaze natives by their size and demonstrate the importance of the church. However, it is important to note that the walls were not a strong, formidable defense, but utilized solely for emergencies. Another purpose for the walls were the bells affixed to them if they were not attached to the church. These bells galvanized conversions by enticing and intriguing the natives, who had never heard a similar sound. One bishop, “complained that music was converting more Indians than preaching.” [5] Together, the walls and the bells they carried reflected a combination of the locals’ relations, temperaments, and fascinations.

Posas (corner chapels), are where clergy would temporarily halt during religious processions. Traditionally there would be four posas positioned in the four corners of the atrio. Catholics would use these posas as a structure to pray in and protect the eucharist during outdoor processions. Friars also would assemble their parish accordingly near these minor chapels to communicate to smaller groups of people more effectively throughout the atrio. These included times by which the friars improved relationships in the congregation, fostering a sense of community, and imparting religious teachings. Syncretism played a vital role in the decorum of the posas as each carries its own features, functions, and decoration based on the intermingling of the cultures within the area it resides. The masonry of these structures was typically achieved by natives.

Frescoes, known as murals or paintings, were a visual representation of the religious community emplaced in a church. Often even the dyes that the native painters used in these religious buildings were of, “pigments made, in some cases, from local plants and insects, extended centuries-old traditions.” [6] The vivid paintings were not just limited to the interior of churches but also could be found on the exterior, “the idea of covering the outside of a building with painted patterning may as well be Indian; several Spaniards recorded their admiration for preconquest examples of similar surface decoration.” [7] Different visuals included those created by the natives expressing the cultural changes they were experiencing. By maintaining artistic integrity, the natives were able to maintain their cultural identity in a clandestine fashion. These frescoes contained colorful dyes depicting vibrant images throughout the region’s churches.

How are cross societal interactions between Spain and the Maya depicted in churches throughout Mexico’s Yucatán? Religious architecture such as the atrios, walls, posas, and frescoes of its churches reflect the religious cultural mixing between the Maya and Spanish. These four major areas and designs demonstrate the blending of the native and Spanish cultures in a religious aspect. The atrios provided a method by which friars could convert natives in masses, as well as conduct services for large groups. “The major architectural innovation of the new world was the addition of an open chapel, or Indian chapel as it was then known.” [8] Additionally, it served as a reminder of the social classes and structures between the conquerors and the conquered. The walls, both internal and external – provided physical protection and served as a symbolic demonstration of both the church and Spanish presence. Posas were imperative to conducting smaller religious ceremonies and teachings allowing a merger of the community. Lastly, frescoes and other paintings allowed for natives to exercise artistic freedom mixing old and new perspectives alike. Even today, the Yucatán region gallantly displays the architectural innovations and vital role syncretism continues to play following the Spanish conquest of the Maya.

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Warrior, outsider, ruler, and legend. These are a few of the words used to describe the infamous “Spearthrower Owl.”

The Spearthrower Owl or “Atlatl Cauac” is the name of a figure that appears in Maya inscriptions throughout Mesoamerica (364-439 AD) from the Early Classic period. The name Spearthrower Owl describes the appearance of the figure that is holding a spear and shares owl-like features. The Spearthrower Owl is believed to be from Teotihuacan because of his attire and weaponry. It is suggested that the Spearthrower Owl was a ruler of Teotihuacan at the height of their civilization.

Tikal Marcador text describes the arrival of the Spearthrower Owl to Tikal in the presence of Siyaj K’ahk. This arrival took place decades before the arrival of the “War Serpent” from Teotihuacan to Tikal. Therefore this suggests that the Spearthrower Owl was a key part in introducing Teotihuacano customs to the rest of Mesoamerica before the arrival of other key Teotihuacan figures.The name appears in a Maya glyph in Tikal, but it is translated as “owl that will strike.” Other references to the Spearthrower Owl have been found at Uacactun, Yaxchilan, and Tonina.

The arrival of the Spearthrower Owl at Tikal was during a time of political transition. The estimated time of his arrival is at the same time of the death of the Tikal ruler, Chak Tok Ich’aak I.

“Spearthrower Owl Hill” is a toponymic place which is referenced in a set of murals found at the Atetelco residential compound located in Teotihuacan. Murals 2 and 3, located on the North Patio of the compound are divided in two parts. The bottom half shows two birds on top of platforms that are covered in obsidian blades, thorns and cacti. The top half, which is placed upside down shows a row of smaller hills in front of three larger stepped hills. The placement of the hills and the surrounding plants and features of the land indicate that perhaps this mural depicts a significant place in Teotihuacan. The association with the Spearthrower Owl comes from the characteristic rounded hook and the tassel-like element that is seen just below the owl’s head which is visible in the mural. Therefore it is possible that Spearthrower Owl Hill may have been a sacred placed dedicated to the individual “Spearthrower Owl” or have some correlation with the warrior birds themselves. The location of the hill is uncertain, but some have proposed the Pyramid of the Moon due to the temple’s association with warfare, birds, human sacrifices and the elites.

The proposed dates of Spearthrower Owl’s reign correlate with the time of the Atelelco compound, but this does not mean that the hill is necessarily named for the individual. However, a more plausible explanation is if the Spearthrower Owl was originally a mythological being or deity in which the ruler was named after. At this time, the Spearthrower Owl is not a confirmed deity, but it is possible that it was a significant ancestor of Teotihuacan which may have developed into a deity.

Owls play an important role in Mesoamerican iconography. Owls are usually presented face-forward and symbolize messengers from the underworld. This was due to their nocturnal nature. As a result, owls are a bad omen in Mesoamerican culture. Owls are associated with warfare and death. To this day, their hooting is thought to be a sign for someone about to die. In the Maya world, the owl makes two key appearances. The first is in the Tonalamatl Aubin and Codex Borbonicus in which the owl is one of the thirteen birds that accompany the the thirteen lords. Secondly, the screech owl is the animal of the sixth day in the 260-day calendar found in the Yucatec Mayan Books of Chilam Balam. The two owl species which exist in Mesoamerica are the great horned owl, and the screech owl which appears most commonly in iconography.

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Arms open wide, reaching down to her people below, she is adorned with a beautiful headdress and jewelry. Her purpose is unclear, but her beauty is apparent. Appearing in multiple murals throughout Teotihuacan and the surrounding areas, perhaps she fills a role as a deity, yet this is not known. We call her the Great Goddess of Teotihuacan.

The Great Goddess Mural was found in the Tepantitla compound of Teotihuacan in 1942 by archaeologist Alfonso Caso, however the Goddess was not identified until 1972 by Peter Furst. Furst described the deity as feminine, inspiring the work of Esther Pasztory who analyzed this mural along with many others to find the Goddess’s role in Teotihuacan culture. The Great Goddess Mural of Tepantitla Patio 2 is the top half of a much bigger mural. The top half shows the goddess and the bottom half shows the civilians of Teotihuacan, suggesting that the goddess is watching over or protecting them. In addition, there are figures below which may represent the underworld or the afterlife, but this is unclear.

Key features of the goddess include a nose pendant with fangs and a bird headdress. Some other features are the colors red and yellow, spiders, mirrors, and wide open hands, however these features are not found in each appearance of the goddess as the headdress and nose pendant is. Pasztory used these features to look for the Goddess in other Teotihuacan architecture and murals. Pasztory described the Goddess in the Temple of Agriculture Mural as a “monumental mountain-like form in relation to her worshippers.” In the “jade Tlalocs” mural of Tetitla Portico II, the goddess wears a nose pendant and has the same descending bands of water which is seen in the Temple of Agriculture mural. Therefore, Paztory noted that the goddess has both a creative and destructive side, making her the god of fertility and death. Paztory’s interpretation is just one of many. Karl Taube, described the goddess as the “Teotihuacan Spider Woman” in 1983, due to the presence of spiders in the background of the murals which she appears. Her arms are often open wide and appear to be giving gifts. The Spider Woman/ Great Goddess is believed to have been a goddess of the underworld, darkness, water, the earth, and war.

The popular opinion among the archaeological community is that these murals depict a single deity, however some continue to question whether that is true. In his 2006 article,Ancient Mesoamerica, Zoltan Paulinyi describes a few inconsistencies between the different murals. Paulinyi suggests that perhaps these murals depict several different deities and individuals rather than one deity. He suggests that these murals depict six different deities, including the Butterfly God.

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A middle aged man drenched in sweat and overcome by exhaustion stands amidst the heat of the jungle. Swatting at mosquitos and never losing focus, he is determined to finish what he started. With the help of his camera lucida and his attention to detail, he completes the most accurate depictions of the lost civilization to date. The civilization is known as Palenque, and the artist is Frederick Catherwood.

Frederick Catherwood, born on February 27, 1799, was an English artist and architect. By the year 1836, Catherwood became a well-known topographical artist after completing his detailed drawings of historical monuments such as the Ancient Pyramids of Egypt, the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem, and many others across Greece, Turkey and Palestine. It was this notoriety that helped him meet American writer and lawyer, John Lloyd Stephens in London. The two would join forces for a much bigger expedition throughout Central America to create a detailed account of their discoveries and what remained of the ancient Mayan civilizations.

Catherwood and Stephens left New York on October 3, 1839. Stephens, appointed by President Van Buren, was to act as an ambassador of the United States and meet leaders of the newly formed United Provinces of Central America. His goal was to form a trade agreement between the two nations, however he and Catherwood had another goal in mind. They were to use the remainder of their time to investigate the ancient civilizations such as Copan and Palenque.

In May of 1840, they arrived in Palenque with the assistance of the native people. Upon first examination, Palenque was covered in thick vegetation of the rainforest that surrounded it. Mountains of stones covered the passageways, which made it difficult to navigate. Nevertheless, Stephens noted that elaborate ornamentation of the buildings could still be seen through the brush. The Indians cried “El Palacio”, the palace, as they entered the site. The pair along with their travel companions and crew, entered the palace before exiting and firing four gunshots each into the air. These gunshots were not only an act of celebration, but also as a way to let the locals know of their presence. For they didn’t want any visitors during the night.

The group set up a camp inside the palace corridor and fastened branches together to form beds. A heavy storm hit their first night and soaked the area, making it impossible to find a dry place to stand the following morning. However, Catherwood and Stephens persevered. Stephens began surveying the area and taking measurements of the palace and surrounding structures. They worked to clear area for Catherwood to set up his Camera Lucida, an optical device which Catherwood used throughout their journey to create proper proportion in his drawings. Once a proper spot which allowed Catherwood to create the utmost accurate drawing was found, Catherwood began to draw.

Every day, the rain would come at 3 or 4 pm and continue into the night. Mosquitos swarmed their beds and made sleep unbearable. Finally, they slit open their sheets and draped them over branches creating a dome-like structure to sleep in. Stephens fell ill after a flesh-eating tick, called Nigua, infected his foot. Stephens had to return the village where he took two days to recover. Upon returning to the ruins, Stephens was taken aback at the site of Catherwood. Stephens wrote of his travelling companion’s appearance, “He was wan and gaunt, lame like me from the bites of insects; his face was swollen, and his left arm hung with rheumatism as if paralyzed.” Nevertheless, Catherwood continued to work and in little under three weeks, he had completed his goal. Catherwood captured the beauty and exquisiteness of the ruins with more accuracy than anyone had before. In addition, he was also able to capture hundreds of hieroglyphic inscriptions.

He completed his last drawing on May 31st, and the group departed on June 1st. Catherwood was barely able to make it back to the village, because he had fallen ill, but he slowly recovered after days of rest.

Catherwood’s drawings accompanied Stephens’ text in their book Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan (1841), 34 illustrations accompanied the 36 pages of text describing Palenque. Catherwood’s work not only gave an accurate depiction of the ruins, but it helped bring the text to life by showing the world the beauty of Palenque. Today, Catherwood’s drawings continue to have a lasting impact. They are noted as some of the most accurate drawings before the photograph. However, the beauty of Palenque would continue to amaze as more discoveries came in the decades that followed.

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As Mexico emerged as a young nation, its self-identity was shaped not only by its past but also its present. Determining what that identity is and its impact on Mexico’s representative history can be seen in their displays at several World’s Fairs from 1876-1939. The key to understanding this identity and what was chosen to represent it on such a global scale can be seen in their social, political, and cultural changes that occurred from 1898-1939, looking not just at Mexico’s indigenous and colonial history, but also on events unfolding in Mexico at the time. How this identity was explored and displayed in an effort to create a connection to not only a global audience, but also to an American one is important as attention will be paid to the relationships not only between the United States and Mexico but also the viewer and the artifacts as they experienced tangible evidence of the struggles and triumphs of Mexico’s emerging and evolving national identity.

What is a national identity? A national identity is simply the sense of a country or nation as a cohesive whole, which are represented by distinctive traditions, culture, and language. In this case, Mexico will go through many changes and as their national identity develops, so does their representation at world fairs from 1876-1939.[1] Eric Storm notes that world fairs were global platforms of exchange, a place where countries learned how to shape their national identities. He further explores the idea that national identities are to a larger context the product of globalization and the world’s fairs will function as an international audience. The need for larger displays and pavilions will become popular and become a place where national identity construction could truly take place, which is evidenced by Mexico from the period 1876 to 1939.[2]

To begin, a brief history of Mexico is important to understand the main political influence behind the decisions made at world fairs from 1876-1939. Politically, Mexico goes through roughly 50 governments in its first 40 years. In 1876, Mexico will find new leadership that emerges from a coup by Porfirio Díaz and will last for the next 34 years, until 1910. [3] According to Sven Schuster, Porfirio Díaz will invest heavily in the study of history, archaeology, and anthropology in an effort to give Mexico its national identity. He re-established the National Museum in 1865 with a special section for archaeology in 1887 and in 1885 the Bureau of Inspection and Conservatism was founded under the direction of archaeologist Leopold Bartres. [4]

While Porfirio Díaz generally seemed interested in portraying Mexico as advanced, more often than not, the focus seems to be more on a new wave of Indianism or celebrating the Pre-Columbian past, specifically reflecting a more neo-Aztec motif. Key influences for the displays tend to be about the overall theme of the fair and how it relates to each country. This also seemed to determine where countries were placed in spaces and how they interacted. Mexico was pitted across from the United States in the 1876 World’s Fair in Philadelphia where the push was to showcase the greatness of America.

The end of the nineteenth century saw World Fairs in Philadelphia (1876), Paris (1889) and Chicago (1893). These fairs showcased Mexico under the leadership of Porfiro Díaz and showed an emerging national identity based on its new leadership. The Porfiriato, as it is often referred to, aimed to show progress, order and a newly unified country. According to Robert Rydel, the Philadelphia World Fair in 1876 emphasized national unity and essentially America’s Manifest Destiny while also providing hope for the future as the last one hundred years were examined. The decision on where and how the countries would be displayed came under the guise of America taking the less desirable location and giving more ideal spots to both European, Asian, and Latin American countries. This put Mexico and Brazil directly across from the United States which very well could have had an impact on the perception of Mexico compared to the United States.[5]

The display in Philadelphia marked Mexico’s first official entry into the international exhibition and while it did not have the resources to create a comprehensive display, it did prove itself as a nation rich in natural resources. With the backdrop of revolution in Mexico and the takeover of Porfirio Díaz, Mexico did find a place at the world fair. While Mexico was reduced to a small area of the Main Building, it did use the space well and divided its artifacts into various groups including staple products, manufactures, and mineral specimens which will have displays of silver.[6] Overall, the national identity of Mexico was that of honoring the past and looking to the future, perhaps hopeful. The display may have been smaller, and the United States may have been a larger presence, but the natural resources and ability for patrons to interact with Mexico was important. It did show that Mexico could in fact compete with other nations. The picture of the Mexican Pavilion offers a glimpse at its enticing display.

While Philadelphia may have been Mexico’s first foray into the World Fair market, it continued to grow and expand its visibility. What national identity did Mexico display in 1876? Perhaps the answer is simple, a relatively young, new nation trying to figure that out. By playing on its natural resources, it honored both the past and the future. Looking at the Paris World Fair of 1889, those behind the Mexican exhibition wished to focus on the importance of education specifically on the scientific discourse on race. How to handle Pre-Columbian indigenous history was the focus of many of these exhibitions. Is the indigenous past proof of inferiority or that which should be celebrated? For most of their exhibitions, the past seemed to dictate the identity, even if it was not always desirable by the elites.

The display in Paris 1889 is further proof of this. Sven Schuster considered Mexico an antique tragedy that gave birth to a new hybrid civilization, not necessarily a truly national style. Under Porfirio Díaz, the struggle over the national self-image will emerge as race and nation are now connected due to racial factors shaping Mexico’s destiny. The display in Paris will be different yet, instead of solely showcasing the modernity of Mexico, it will once more celebrate its pre-colonial past. The Paris World Fair in 1889 will be a celebration of the one-hundred-year anniversary of the French Revolution. It also featured human zoos, giant dioramas, Buffalo Bill's Wild West Show, and the Eiffel Tower. Mexico and other Latin American countries emphasized the progressiveness of their original inhabitants. A vision of the vanquished as an alternative perspective from the Spanish will give a greater voice to the post-conquest Aztec as it is integrated into Mexican National History.[7] According to Shelley Garrigan, these fairs were spectacular instruments of mass communication that allowed a medium for self-conscious displays of nationhood to occur. The Paris World Fair was a venue for the Porfiriato to showcase advancement. Mexico created the Aztec Palace which featured deities, symbols, glyphs, and sculptures, though not all belonged to the Aztec to honor the past. Schuster noted this was an Indianist project and citing Mauricio Tenorio Trillo, based on discussions of the appropriate image of Mexico and its search for an authentic identity that combined the pre-Hispanic and neo-classical elements. While the outside structure celebrated the past, according to Garrigan, the inside offered a more modern display including raw materials, geography, education, production and science. [8] Mexico did well in some ways to bridge the gap in its national identity as it celebrated the past while looking to a brighter future. Once more, the national identity of Mexico is a hybrid between honoring the peoples of the past and those that came as a result of the Spanish.

A shift in ideals will occur from Paris to Chicago as Porfirio Díaz had personally opted for Peñafiel’s Aztec Palace but eventually regretted the decision as his main focus was to show the world that Mexico was a contender. He was interested in modernization with the help of foreign investment and to celebrate Mexico’s economic growth along with its now more enlightened and superior ruler. With this idea, Mexico’s identity was changing to be more than its Pre-Columbian past once more. The Chicago World Fair of 1893 featured displays designed to the latest scientific findings with a strong focus on archaeological elements while also celebrating the discovery of America. In Chicago, Porfirio Díaz wanted to showcase a hacienda, but his vision was replaced by the “Ruins of Yucatan” once more drawing on the Pre-Columbian past. In Chicago, Mexico had a smaller display due to financial problems as tensions mounted between the idea of Hispanism or the cultural bonds between Spain and its former colonies and Pan-Americanism or the cultural exchange & political equality between sister republics. The Ruins of Yucatan once more made the indigenous past more visible in Mexico’s national identity.

Beginning in 1910, Porfirio Díaz will start to lose power as Mexico will be thrust into revolution. From 1910 to 1940, new leadership emerged in Mexico and more than that, the world will also see the First World War, a global depression, and the start of the Second World War. After Díaz and then Madero, Mexico will experience anarchy until around 1917 with the creation of a new constitution. The First World War pitted the United States and Mexico against each other in some ways due to the Zimmerman Telegram but after the war, a status quo relationship seemed to resound once more with the United States in a more dominant role. After that, a series of revolutions as various groups tried to take control of Mexico.

From 1928-1934, the Maximato controlled Mexico which was during Mexico’s representation at the Chicago World Fair of 1933, The Century of Progress. According to Zahra Moss, US concessionaires and the Mexican government used this fair as an opportunity to define symbols of Mexican national identity in the wake of the Mexican Revolution (1910-1920). Mexico’s display was based on a major archaeological discovery, the ruins of Monte Alban in the southern state of Oaxaca which is considered the largest discovery of indigenous artifacts crafted without the use of rotary tools. Why use this display in the midst of so much change and both political and social issues in Mexico at this time? According to Moss, the decision was based on the construction of a historical narrative that once more celebrated Mexico’s more indigenous past. With each emerging conflict, government and discovery, Mexico seemed to focus on the past. With the discovery of the Monte Alban treasure, it gave new focus to the greatness that was their past when the future seemed to be somewhat chaotic and uncertain. [9]

Finally, Mexico will once more undergo new leadership in 1934 which will last into the beginning of World War II. Lázaro Cárdenas or the People’s Hero will come into power in 1934 with real change taking place, seemingly for the better. Miriam Österreich noted that the 1939 New York World Fair had the goal of overcoming the Great Depression culturally and narrowed the focus to national US interest over Pan-American ones. This fair comes at a time when World War II has already begun in Europe and the US was at the end of its own Great Depression. Mexico will be featured in two ways, first by participating in “The World of Tomorrow” display and then in the second season of this fair, in the “Twenty Centuries of Mexican Art” display at the Museum of Modern Art. Mexico’s display featured many pieces of art and photography juxtaposing the past and the present. In many ways it was a montage of pre-Hispanic archaeological artifacts with dominant themes of Mexican arts and crafts from Pre-Columbian to contemporary and based on tourism. One of the more prominent artists featured was Luis Márquez whose art will later be moved to the MoMA. This display, more than the others, gave Mexico a national identity, that it could be both modern and nostalgic or reminiscent of the past. They could in fact be both and that to create a truly unified nation, one must include all people, the indigenous peoples from before colonization and those that came as a result. [10]

Regarding Mexico and the many World Fairs they participated in, their struggle between the past and present seemed to play out each time. Lisa Munro notes that an exhibitionary culture developed in the late 19th century and with it, increased visibility of world fairs, national museums, and department stores, allowing new cultural attitudes to flourish and knowledge to be shared. This can be seen in each of Mexico’s displays mentioned. She concludes that fairs allowed all those who entered to experience images and tangible objects that showcased the elite while appealing to lower socioeconomic groups.

Ideas of nationalism, colonialism and industrialization helped influence people in their everyday lives. This is the case with Mexico and its national identity. In almost every case, leadership wanted to present Mexico as an example for a more modern future, but ultimately what was celebrated was the past. Each display examined, had a strong connection to the pre-Columbian, pre-Hispanic past while slowly incorporating modern components of science and modern ideals. Events in Mexican history shaped this, and this new hybrid civilization did in fact emerge. [11]

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The stories of the subjugation of the Maya are traditionally told through the infamous “Black Legend” and the horrors of Spanish Conquest. However, it is during the colonial era of the Yucatán that provides further insight into their malicious mistreatment. This subjugation and exploitation occurred at the Hacienda Yaxcopoil, located near Merida in the Yucatán Peninsula of Mexico. Yaxcopoil, meaning “place of the green alamo trees” in Mayan, was a former hacienda used to cultivate henequen, also known as sisal, beginning in the seventeenth century. During its zenith in the nineteenth century, it reached almost 22,000 acres in size. While today its size has been significantly reduced and it is essentially abandoned with the exception of a museum and a nearby tortilla factory, it serves as a reminder of the exploitation of the Maya people and their resources in an effort to produce mass quantities of henequen to meet demand from United States and European markets during the early twentieth century.

The Porfiriato, that is, the time in which Porfirio Diaz ruled in Mexico from 1876-1911, is viewed as a time of economic boom or the “Gilded Age,” as referred to by authors such as Allen Wells. During this time, demand for goods such as henequen skyrocketed as part of a booming Mexican economy. Wells along with Gilbert M. Joseph refer to this in Corporate Control of a Monocrop Economy in saying that “the accelerated change… accompanied the burgeoning industrial development of the United States and Western Europe...” which ultimately, “tied Mexico every more closely to the global economy” (Joseph and Wells, 69). This boom was at the expense of the Maya peasants who were forced to work on the henequen plantations as part of a system of debt peonage. Hacienda owners purchased the debts in an effort to create a labor force that was comparable to slavery. The peasants, unable to pay back debts, were forced into a cyclical life of debt and servitude by signing labor contracts with the brutal hacendados that bound them to the haciendas until their debts were resolved. The workers began in the early hours of the morning and worked in harsh conditions while they faced beatings and little to no compensation. They were paid in either cash or fichas, a form of scrip used in the haciendas. The scrip was useless elsewhere and workers paid exorbitant prices for goods within the haciendas. They received loans during their time at the hacienda which further increased their debts to the hacendados, who exerted control over many aspects of their lives. This created a system that made it almost impossible for workers to pay back their debts. In the years in which muckraking was a popular means of journalism in the United States, John Kenneth Turner described the conditions of debt peonage system in Yucatán and claimed that nearly a third of the population were part of this cycle.

Yaxcopoil is one of the most prominent examples of the rise of henequen production and the subjugation of Maya in Yucatán. The emphasis on henequen production is derived from the growth and demand of foreign plantations as a result of the invention of the mechanical reaper and the mechanical rasper. Henequen was used to make a variety of cordage for twine. Other crops such as maize could not compete with the demand for this “green gold.” It quickly became the most important export and necessity that Mexico had to offer. Countries such as the United States controlled virtually all of the production as well as the price through a trust known as the International Harvester Company. Ultimately, the haciendas served as one of the few options for the Maya peasants, who were forced into a system of capitalism because of the relationship between Yucatán and the United States.

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The Institute of Public Education of Oaxaca (IEEPO) serves as the center of education located in the state of Oaxaca in Mexico. It has currently been in the news as a result of the ongoing teachers’ strike and the growing disdain for the changes brought on by education reform laws proposed by Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto. This reform, in reality, is targeting the teachers’ union, or the National Union of Education Workers (SNTE) in an attempt to dissolve the union. The conflict lies specifically between the Mexican government and the dissident Section 22 of CNTE.

Oaxaca consists of a largely rural population, and public school teachers work diligently to target the various needs and demands of their students despite multiple significant barriers. The mountains of Oaxaca, while contributing to a plethora of cultural and linguistic diversity, also serve as a physical barrier in that the spread of knowledge is limited because of the mountainous terrain. Travel is extremely difficult, and the system in place within Oaxaca requires novice teachers to travel to remote locations by themselves, miles away from their homes. Oaxaca possesses a large indigenous population, with almost forty percent of the population considered indigenous. The Mexican state of Oaxaca has the worst literacy rate in Mexico, with just 93.5 percent of the adult population considered literate. The population is just under 121,000 people as of 2012 and is plagued with isolation. .7 percent of the population are considered to be below the poverty line of $1.25 per day. Issues with literacy and poverty contribute to a variety of societal problems that impact education such as domestic violence against women and children. Teachers feel that the odds are stacked up against them.

Article III of the Constitution of Mexico requires that all children within Mexico have access to free public education. Despite this, the rural education system in Oaxaca has been plagued by inconsistencies and broken promises that have now transformed into a sometimes violent struggle between teachers and state officials. The teachers are fighting an unjust system in an effort to advocate for themselves and their students. IEEPO has contributed to this conflict, as they have not only ignored the needs of teachers and students, but they have also worked with the Mexican government to put people in positions of power that are corrupt and unwilling to compromise. Teachers feel that they must tread carefully as they are relentlessly evaluated and tested at multiple times of the year instead of given the support they need to target the needs of their students. This is in comparison to education agencies in the United States such as the Texas Education Agency (TEA), which typically evaluates teachers just two to three times during school year and requires testing just once in a teacher’s career, depending on the situation. In an interview with a former school teacher in Oaxaca named Juana Sánchez Jiménez, she shared that students in Oaxaca are subject to terrible conditions within the schools, as the classrooms lack the necessities such as proper ventilation, enough desks, bookshelves and textbooks, school supplies, restrooms, and even running water. It is no wonder that the teachers want change.

The teachers’ crisis in Oaxaca is not a conflict merely destined to disappear. It has been a decades-long struggle that has now transformed into a social revolution. How the Mexican government responds to this struggle is pivotal in determining their reputation both domestically and internationally. True reform, starting with IEEPO, is a good start.

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The Mexican Secretariat of Public Education (SEP) building is located near the center of Mexico City. It is rich with public history, including a series of murals from the famous Diego Rivera such as the “The Rural Schoolteacher.” The building currently serves as the headquarters for SEP, which has a multitude of purposes including the maintenance of public schools and ensuring that educational requirements of the Mexican Constitution are upheld.

Victoria Andrade de Herrara describes the progression of the Mexican education system in her work titled “Education in Mexico: Historical and Contemporary Educational Systems.” She states that, first, the history of Mexican public education began with the establishment of the first university in 1551 by the Catholics in the years after Spanish Conquest in 1521. In the years following Mexican Independence from Spain, Mexico took control of their education system. However, this was soon followed by a series of political upheavals that made it almost impossible to regulate education until the Mexican Revolution in 1910. The Mexican education system was then decentralized, ultimately leading to a chaotic lack of organization and resources that would prove to be detrimental until revolutionary and intellectual José Vasconcelos was given authority to reform the Mexican education system. As a result of this, the Secretariat of Public Education was created on September 25, 1921 and has worked since its creation to provide organization to the Mexican school system. Article 3, in addition to Article 30 and 31 of the Mexican Constitution, guarantees Mexican citizens the right to public primary and secondary education. As a result, it became necessary of the SEP to develop an education system that would support the articles of the Mexican Constitution. Originally, SEP targeted the high illiteracy rates that plague the Mexican people. Multiple reforms went into effect, including reforms aimed at providing classroom structures and missionary teachers for rural schools. The emphasis on educational reform continued through new leadership until more political conflict ensued. Socialism became part of the reform under Mexican President Lázaro Cárdenas, though it eventually became the root of a social conflict that led to brutal attacks on teachers. Eventually, socialist education in Mexico failed. The SEP then spent decades combatting illiteracy and targeting woes in the system with reform after reform. Today, Articles 30 and 31 provides the basis of the Mexican education system, while the SEP serves as the primary entity of Mexican education system. Education is divided into multiple stages including “basic preschool, primary, secondary (junior high), prep school, higher education, and postgraduate” while basic education includes “initial, preschool, primary, secondary, and special education” (Herrara 20). Each stage is comprised of multiple requirements, goals and objectives. SEP continuously maintains that each state meets those requirements in addition to other criteria.

Currently, the Mexican public education system is facing a crisis as political leaders such as Mexico’s Secretary of Education, Aurelio Nuño Mayer, attempt to pass educational reforms that are met with opposition by teachers who do not support the implications of the reforms. In fact, during our time here, we were not able to enter the building because of a press conference held by the Secretary on the issue. In the months and even years to come, it will be interesting to see what reforms SEP puts into place to alleviate pressures from the teachers and rural populations.

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Who can deny “the drink of the gods” and the delicious sweetness of churros? The oldest churrería in Mexico can be found in Mexico City in an important historical center, just a few blocks away from the historic Zocalo. Churrería El Moro was established in 1935 in Mexico City by Spanish immigrants. The churrería has changed throughout the years. The size of the business has increased, decorations have changed, the new items have been added to the menu, but one thing has not changed, the delicious churros and hot chocolates. The have four types of hot chocolates: the mexicano, the French, the Spanish, the swiss. The churros is served with sugar and cinnamon.

The origin of the churro is unknown to history. Their origin can be traced back to different countries. The churro has not only passed from culture to culture, but it also managed to establish a high popularity among different communities around the world. It started as a breakfast pastry created by Chinese Portuguese merchants. The fried pastry was being made back in the Iberia peninsula, where they added sugar, creating what we know today as the “churro”. Long after, churros made an appearance in Spain. Spanish shepherds are responsible for giving the churro its name from the churra sheep horns. Since churros were so easy to make, they grew in popularity rapidly. Churros were later introduced to Mexico by Spanish conquistadors during the sixteenth century.

The creation of the hot chocolate can be traced back to ancient times as the cacao tree is native to Mexico. The cacao is classified as, “the drink of the gods”, only for the privileged nobles, but it also had a great significant for public ceremonies and rituals. The chocolate comes from the seeds of the fruit of the cacao tree. The chocolate is prepared by crushing and mixing the seeds with fine corn meal, vanilla, and different variations of spices. The cacao tree was not only important for cultural reasons, but it was also considered a very important source of money by Spanish conquistadores.

The churros and the chocolate drink are very popular in the Mexican culinary world. The combination of these two dishes gave Mexico the opportunity to enjoy the best of both worlds, brought by the Spanish conquistadores and native Meous soamerican tribes.

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Celebrated Mexican painter Diego Rivera transcribed the history of Mexico in a mural in his own style of painting on the main staircase of the National Palace of Mexico City. The staircase leads to the second floor of the courtyard which still houses the main offices of government entities of Mexico. Mexico is a country that has experienced various revolutions throughout its history and the mural tells the story of them all, even the indigenous beginnings. The Mexican government craved a change in their style of leadership. Leadership pushed for a mural and art movement throughout the country. The government shifted from the ideologist of the nineteenth century into a modern political and social model. Soon after, the first president during this period encourage education and cultural propaganda by creating the Mexican mural movement.

The final masterpiece was completed after six long years. Diego Rivera started painting the mural in 1929 and was completed in 1935, soon after the Mexican Revolution. The mural showcases Mexico’s history from early native Aztec world to the “future/present” Mexico. The different walls surrounding the staircase portray important historical events like the conquest, the colonial period, the Independence movement, the Revolution, the 1920s and 30s, and the “present” Mexico.

The right wall and the north wall start the chronological time line of the mural. The painting is based on the pre-conquest period of Mexico. The painting is set in a volcanic landscape where the indigenousness Aztec community is in social and cultural activities. The Feather Serpent (Quetzalcóatl) also appears on the top right corner surrounded by an audience of farmers and artisans. The west wall is not set in a particular order and the figures are less notable. The ideologies of Diego Rivera are presented in his work, as he was an active member of the Communist Party. The military, farmers and workers are display fighting for a better Mexico. In the center of the staircase, the painting on the wall represents different scenarios during the history of Mexico. The five main scenarios of Mexico’s Independence: The North American intervention of 1847, the second intervention by the French, the death of Maximiliano de Habsburgo, the liberal reform of 1857, the battle for Independence of 1810, and the Mexican Revolution of 1910. The mural explains the conflicts that Mexico encountered and represents the hope and dreams of the people. It is also notable that Rivera painted his future wife, Mexican painter Frida Kahlo, in the mural before they wedded.

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The origins of the Maize God was born from a Mayan myth that goes back to the Classic Period of Mesoamerican history. The story of the reincarnation of the Baby Jaguar as the Maize God shows the importance of maize in the Mesoamerican society. The value of the maize is shown throughout history as the symbol of the maize grain is represented as a mystical God and as a part of the staple diet of the Mexican region for thousands of years.

The Baby Jaguar was conceived by the God N, also known as the Old God, and Lady Wayaab. As a result of an affair between these two, it is believed that three offspring were produced. Two of the three babies were believed to always appear to be bundled, but Baby Jaguar was the exception. The place of birth, known as Nah Ho’ Chan, is located in the northern mountains of Yucatan, a humid region linked to maize and fertility. Soon after birth, the Baby Jaguar is presented to his alleged father but his jaguar-like features exposed Lady Wayaab’s infidelity to the Lord, as a result the Lord sends the baby jaguar away for sacrifice. The baby jaguar is taken to Pa’axiil by his brothers to dispose of him by witness of an underworld deity. The baby jaguar was casted into a mountain and reincarnated as the Maize God born from maize seed. In Mayan art, the Maize God appears with both K’awiill and God N, attached to turtle’s carapace under the feet.

The importance of the Maize God for the Mesoamerica civilization is displayed in Pakal’s sarcophagus lid. The lid was discovered in 1949 by Mexican archeologist Alberto Ruz Lhuiller and is one of the greatest discoveries in Mesoamerican history. The lid was placed inside the Temple of the Inscriptions at Palenque. The carvings on the lid are important for researchers and is crucial for the understanding of death and rebirth in the Mayan society. The lid showcases Pakal emerging from a maize seed, associated with fertility and abundance.

Maize has an important culinary aesthetic dimension among different cultures in the world. There are more than forty-five types and three general forms of maize agriculture in Mesoamerica. Still today, maize is the staple diet in Central American communities and has expanded throughout North and South America. The existence of the maize can be traced back to the Mesoamerican Classic Era. The Classic Mayan diet consisted mainly in maize based foods such as the tortilla, though there is little to no evidence of the consumption of the tortilla during the Mayan Classic era. The tamale makes an appearance during the Classic period and is portrayed in Classic Mayan art.

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A major center for religion, politics, and economics of the Rio Bec region, Becán is a fascinating city of the ancient Maya during the Classic Period. It depicts the Rio Bec style, and has representations of two of their gods: Kinichna and the Witz Monster.

According to the signage at the site, Becán means trench, and was named so because of the 2-kilometer-long trench that circles most the city. Another translation states that it means “road of the serpent”. There are several roads, or sacbe, going from the city of Becán, that possibly lead to the cities they ruled over as the leader in economics and religious acts. The oldest buildings are dated to approximately 550 CE, and Becán reached its peak around 600-800 CE. It is a great representation of the Rio Bec and Chenes architectural style.

The Rio Bec architecture style is represented in the way the buildings were constructed, laid out, and decorated. In the Rio Bec region, buildings were usually placed on a quadrangular base. There were several chambers on each of the different levels of the temples. Towers are also a Rio Bec feature, although these may have been just for show. Cross and checkerboards are used as decorative flourishes in this style. Also, images of serpents were used regularly, and gives credit to the other translation of Becán as “road of the serpent”.

Representations of the Sun God Kinichna and Witz “Earth” Monster are both found on temples at Becán and are incredible condition considering the time since this city was last occupied. The statue of Kinichna is found on Structure X, is made from stucco and it is enclosed behind a glass case to further preserve it as the condition is better than most. The depiction of the Witz Monster is located at the top of Structure IX. There was once a sculpture of the Earth Monster on each side of the staircase, but only the one remains. It is a wonderful thing to see, and the best view of it is standing in front of it near the top of the temple.

The excavation that Ricardo Bueno C. and others have done at Becán has allowed us to see a different style of Maya architecture and style at a major regional center. Representations of their Gods also allow to see once again how important their religion was to them. Ricardo Bueno C is commemorated at the entrance of the site.

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While walking in El Gran Museo Del Mundo Maya de Mérida, my attention was caught by a very large book. It was much larger than others I had seen in museums, and newer. It was the “Cordemex Maya Dictionary”. Coordinated by Alfredo Barrera Vázquez, this is more than a translation of Mayan to Spanish. It brings together the work produced by Franciscan friars, Juan Pío Pérez, and the hard work of many people interested in the culture. [1]

The “Diccionario Maya Cordemex: Maya-Español, Español-Maya” took 6 years of relentless work by a group of dedicated specialist to complete, and was finally published in January of 1980. This dictionary was not the first book to be published regarding Maya translations. That was first seriously pursued by Franciscan bishop Diego DeLanda in the 1500’s. The next great effort to piece together the Mayan language was by scholar Juan Pío Pérez. In 1855, he published the “Diccionario de San Francisco”. It was compiled of seventeenth century manuscripts he had discovered in Mérida at the convent of San Francisco. He continued to produce works for the Mayan language, and his last book was printed 19 years after he died. That book was considered the greatest compilation until the publishing of “Diccionario Maya Cordemex” in 1980. [2]

The Cordemex, in is most primitive form, began in 1937 when the Academia de la Lengua Maya was formed, with the goal to create a system to learn and preserve the Mayan language. By 1973, the formation and search for funding for the project to take all this information and turn it into a book had begun. In 1974, INAH (Instituto Nacicional de Antroplogía e Historia) okayed the project. Settled in a small house in Mérida, the 6 year long project began. The scholars first worked only 26 hours a week, but it gradually increased to 35 hours in 1977. [3]

This amazing source of information started out as approximately 300,000 little slips of paper with the translations and examples of use written on them. The slips were then given to someone to type onto a card. These cards were reviewed several times before approved. The final result, a 1413 page dictionary translating Maya to Spanish and Spanish to Maya. [4]

This dictionary was not only important to the scholars studying the Maya language and culture, but to those Native Maya who had lost their identity during the colonial period. With books and research like this being completed, they gained sources to connect with their ancestors. A copy now sits in El Gran Museo Del Mundo Maya de Mérida for visitors to see the end result of a very dedicated group of people to enhance our understanding of an ancient language.

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Monte Albán has existed for thousands of years. It was known to the natives as Danibaan, or “Sacred Mountain.” It received its new alias from being named after 17th century Spanish nobleman Don Montablan. It had been occupied in succession by the Olmec, Zapotec, and Mixtec. It is most famously known for its time under Zapotec rule between 500 B.C. and 800 A.D. (Pre-Classic period through the Classic period). It was a theocratic society with about thirty thousand people. It reached its zenith during the 6th century through its trading relations with other major cities in Mesoamerica. Similar to its rise, it’s believed that its downfall occurred during the 9th century due to the fall of its trading partners and overcrowding.

Leopold Batres was a Mexican archeologist. He was the first person to lead a serious excavation of Monte Albán in 1902. His efforts brought attention from around the world and the Mexican government to work on preserving the site. During his time there, he removed many Dazante slabs so that he could later study them. His findings and opinions were recorded in his book Explorations to Mount Albán, Oaxaca, Mexico, which was published twenty years after his expedition. In his book, he recorded information on the architecture, writings, and drawings, culture, and geography of the site.

Alfonso Caso was a Mexican archeologist. He was the second person to excavate at Monte Albán, from 1931 to 1958. He is the archeologist who is most famously known for working on the site due to producing the most amounts of archeological discoveries. He is most famously recognized for discovering Tomb Seven. Tomb Seven showed proof to scholars of the occupation of the Mixtec in the city after the Zapotec had abandoned it. The tomb also produced several polychrome frescoes, scriptures, and artifacts. With the discovery of the artifacts, he was able to decipher the Mixtec codices.

Through the efforts of Leopoldo Batres and Alfonso Caso, the site of Monte Albán was brought to the world’s attention for its beauty and historical significance. Their efforts revealed that Monte Albán rose to become the greatest city in the Zapotec region during its zenith. It was also revealed that it was one of the biggest necropolises in Mesoamerica. The abandonment by the Zapotec is still a mystery to this day, but with the help of Batres and Caso, scholars have been able to shine some light on the mysterious Zapotec.

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Uxmal is the most heavily decorated and unique site in the Yucatan. It is located in the region of Puuc, which means small hill. The surrounding terrain did not possess any naturally occurring bodies of water, making it one of the most arid regions on the peninsula. Civilization existed in the region due to the reliance on rainfall and the creation of chultuns, which were artificial rain basins that acted as reservoirs for the local populace. This dependence on the fickle trends of rainfall caused the people of Uxmal to place great significance behind the rain god Chaak (also known as Tlaloc to people such as the Mexica in the north), who can be seen on the majority of major temples and buildings in Uxmal. The site has a vast array of opulent constructions such as the Pyramid of the Magician, the House of the Governor, and, most notable, the Nunnery Quadrangle.

The Quadrangle was originally created in the years of 900- 910 AD during the Post Classic Period. The origin of the structure’s name comes from the group of maidens that originally inhabited the Quadrangle. The women that lived in these buildings were held in high esteem in the Uxmal social system, comparable to that of the “Vestal Virgins” that lived in Rome (Emily Davis, The Science-News Letter, 298). They wore garb that was heavily ornamented, like the surrounding architecture, with precious stones and other decorations. The theocratic system of the Mayans held the maidens in a position that is similar to that of the native priests. Their original purpose for these maidens was to tend to the state of the temple and maintain it. If any of them failed to meet their goals, they would be summarily executed. The maidens lived in all four of the structure on the Quadrangle. Though their total number is not known, the number of rooms and cells in all four structures is around 88.

The decoration of the Quadrangle is exuberant and offers insight to the political and religious attitudes of the area and time. The buildings have a massive amalgamation of different architectural techniques, including lattice designs, visages of Chaak, serpents, Venus, etc. These various decorations all allude to certain stories. The most notable of these would be the Mayan creation mythos. These varied styles connect the site of Uxmal to Chichen Itza with its use of non-Classic imagery. This imagery also shows the importance of religion in Uxmal, and how the native leadership sought to establish the site as one of great importance. The structure also shows a certain amount of political authority, due to the presence of a decorated capstone. This stone is decorated with the name and image of “Lord Chac”, full name being Chan-Chak-K’ak’nal’Ahaw (Jeff Kowalski, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Mesoamerican Cultures, Uxmal). He is the most well-known ruler of Uxmal. Chac ordered the construction of the Quadrangle during his reign. It is suggested that Chac himself ruled over the majority of the Eastern Puuc region and likely had an alliance with Chichen. This was possible through the creation of numerous sakbes, raised limestone roads, in the region.

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There are few Mexican photographers more influential and well known than Manuel Alvarez Bravo. He was an artist, not just of photography, that focused on the principles of the Mexican people and its social movements. His legacy is one that is evident in his revolutionary and iconic works of art. It is only appropriate that the modern day exhibit that bears his namesake is located in the heart of Oaxaca. His lifetime of photography has played a role in forming the national and political identity of Mexico.

Manuel Alvarez Bravo was born February 4, 1902 in Mexico City. He lived and was raised in downtown Mexico City until the death of his father. This led to him dropping out of school at a young age to work in the nearby textile factory. His love for photography was not an accidental one, both his father and grandfather had been amateur photographers. When he was in his twenties, he had begun to work for the government. It was during this time that he decided to take on photography and art seriously. His foray into photography began with his own practice and experience, but he received education and practice in painting from the San Carlos Institute. He was enamored by a great multitude of styles and forms. Yet, in the end he took after a more modern approach and aesthetics. Manuel eventually died on October 19, 2002 at the age of 100. Though he dabbled in painting and worked in film industry at various points, he is remembered for his work in photography and is featured in hundreds of exhibitions in Mexico and elsewhere.

Stylistically speaking, Manuel differed heavily from his peers in the way he formed his message through his chosen medium. Some of his peers, such as Juan Rulfo, preferred to form scenes of the Mexican landscape and people. Manuel, in contrast, took a much more direct and particular way of getting his point across. Take for example the photo Obrero en huelga, asasindo (1934). The photo shows the prone body of a recently killed Mexican worker. For additional effect, the blood trail from the victim’s blood pool leads directly to the position of the photographer. Bravo’s photos are meant to portray the problems of the class warfare that was commonplace in Mexico during the 1900s. Bravo’s style can be divided into three different attitudes, as described by Arthur Ollman. The first of these is a person that focuses on the pre-Columbian aspect. This perspective takes a personal interest and fanaticism in the aspects of the native life, gods, and culture. The second of these is the Revolutionary. This one places an importance on the social struggle of the Mexican people in the social warfare that was previously touched upon. Finally, there is the perspective that is Europeanized. This aspect is aware of the Anglo expectation of the Mexican culture and people and utilizes it to extend his culture (Benjamin R. Fraser, Chasqui, 115-119).

Whether it is revolutionary or Euro-centric, Manuel Alvarez Bravo is an important aspect of the Mexican culture and history. His work epitomized the revolutionary movement and the attitude of the Mexican people.

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Teotihuacan, located in the modern day State of Mexico, was originally an empty site prior to the first century AD, but the eruption of the Xitle volcano at the end of century caused a massive migration of indigenous groups to the valley, since their ancient cities were destroyed. The migrant people who settled in the valley from the time frame of 1-150 AD, commonly referred to as the Tzacualli phase, began to build the three main constructs of Teotihuacan. These constructs were the Pyramids of the Sun and Moon and the Temple of the Feathered Serpent. The most imposing structure at the site of Teotihuacan is the Pyramid of the Sun. It is the third largest pyramid in the world at 65 meters in height, 22 meters taller than its twin construction the Pyramid of the Moon. These twin contsructs are built on the same level. It was the first main structure to be made in Teotihuacan and is responsible for the city’s growth into a trade hub and place of religious significance, similar to Cozumel.

The first of these massive edifices was the Pyramid of the Sun. The pyramid was built with the idea of three concepts: to be the physical embodiment of Tonacatepetl, temple of Tlaloc, and the religious significance of the cave beneath the structure. The concept of the Tonacatepetl, which means “mountain of significance,” comes from the Mesoamerican belief in creating massive mountain-like structures to appease the rain god and, as a result, produce rain. Tlaloc, who is the chief god of the sky and fertility, is the god to which the pyramid was constructed. The Sun pyramid is meant to honor him, while the Pyramid of the Moon is built for his wife Chalchiuhtlicue the goddess of flowing water. The cave under the pyramid is seen by the native people as a way to the “center of the universe.” Since caves hold a variety of supernatural meanings to the indigenous groups, the cave underneath the temple has a great amount of religious significance (Linda Manzanilla, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Mesoamerican Cultures, Teotihuacan).

The cave located under the Pyramid of the Sun was uncovered in 1971 by a group of archeologists. The cavern was naturally formed around a million years ago due to the flow of lava. The cave was found with a staircase and was a formerly decorated site of religious sacrifice, until the arrival of grave robbers. Since the corpses of victims are no longer available for dating, there are no accurate estimates at the earliest time of ritual sacrifice. The cave is a symbol to the native people of Mesoamerica as a representation of creation. In some stories, the god Quetzalcoatl retrieves the bones of man and the variations of corn from a cavern in the earth. As stated by Doris Heyden in American Antiquity, native groups believed that the god of fire, Xiuhtecuhtli, is housed in the center of the earth in a “turquoise enclosure” (Doris Heyden, American Antiquity, 131-141). In a much more general sense, the caves are also related to the homes of ancestors, a place of revival or origin, oracles, and the supernatural.

Though the structures such as the Pyramid of the Moon and the Temple of the Feathered Serpent are certainly significant, the Pyramid of the Sun and its natural cavern helped to make the city of Teotihuacan a place of religious significance. This spirituality caused the migration of the people to the site, and made the city one of the most important sites in Mesoamerica in terms of trade and pilgrimage.

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Ricardo Flores Magón lived during a time after the implementation of the Monroe Doctrine and the Mexican American War, which established the dominance of the United States as a world power in the Americas and over Mexico, the southern neighbor of the United States. Although the United States had established itself as a world power in the nineteenth century, the United States was still expanding within its borders using what Kelly Lytle Hernandez called "settler/colonization."[1] Settler/colonization represented land ownership, one of the pillars of the free enterprise or capitalist system. Because the United States Constitution is an amendable document with no expressed or implied hierarchy of citizenry, "all men are created equal." Therefore, settler/colonization was an acceptable way to promote westward expansion in the United States and free enterprise in the nineteenth century. Whereas Mexico already had established rules of citizenry hierarchy that had been established by the Spanish monarch and enforced by the Viceroy before Mexican independence. In the Mexican society and economy, everyone knew their place, and it took a revolution to change the social and economic order somewhat.

This paper will answer several research questions. First, why were there so many different revolutionary groups? Second, why could the revolutionary groups not unite to form a government that represented all the ethnic and labor groups in Mexico? Third, what factors influence Mexican revolutionaries to follow Ricardo Flores Magón?

Cumberland posited that of all "the most outstanding men among the group of leaders, and around whom revolved most of the movement, was Ricardo Flores Magón, idealist and anarchist, who fought for the welfare of the proletariat until he died in Leavenworth Penitentiary in 1922."[2] Magón was unique because he recognized the difference between the goals of the PLM and the other revolutionary factions, which exemplified their various ethnic groups. Montelongo revealed that "Magónistas were campesinos, peons, industrial workers, railroad employees, miners, and middle-class intellectuals."[3]

Cumberland posited that of all "the most outstanding men among the group of leaders, and around whom revolved most of the movement, was Ricardo Flores Magón, idealist and anarchist, who fought for the welfare of the proletariat until he died in Leavenworth Penitentiary in 1922."[4] Magón was unique because he recognized the difference between the goals of the PLM and the other revolutionary factions, which exemplified their various ethnic groups. Montelongo revealed that "Magónistas were campesinos, peons, industrial workers, railroad employees, miners, and middle-class intellectuals."[5]

The reason for the Mexican Revolution is that dictator, President Porfirio Diaz, who had been the president of Mexico from 1876 to 1911, allowed capital investments, especially in the borderlands, by U. S. and European investors, which denied Mexican citizens to develop their own economy.[6] The Mexican rebels saw this control of Mexican lands as U.S. imperialism which created a situation for the indigenous peoples of Mexico that was similar to Jim Crow in the U.S.[7] However, Jim Crow was a horrible institution for African Americans, which included the enactment of Black Codes that restricted the inclusion and upward mobility of African Americans socially, but most importantly, economically. These constitutional rights allowed African Americans in the U.S. to eventually change their circumstances through political and social means and by intermingling with other cultures in the United States. In contrast, Mexico's Peninsulares, White Mexicans, Criollos, Mestizos, Amerindians, Afro – Mexicans, and Asian Mexicans were restricted by their cultural and ethnic heritages with no constitutional guarantees.

One major effect of the Mexican Revolution in 1910 was that it spilled over into the U.S.-Mexico borderlands by activists such as Ricardo Flores Magón and his brothers Enrique and Jesus. The Magón brothers were intellectuals, journalists, and legal scholars, who conveyed the rationale for the Mexican Revolution to the working class, common laborers, cowboys, minors, and lower-class Mexican citizens. The working class, common laborers, cowboys, minors, and lower-class Mexican citizens were the liberal faction, and the elite Mexican citizens were the conservative faction. The main issues that Magón and the Magónistas addressed included the distribution of land to wealthy Mexican landholders by the Mexican government controlled by Porfirio Diaz, capital investment by the U.S., foreign investors that lessened the economic control of the Mexican government and the Mexican people, and the exploitation of Mexican laborers within Mexico along the U.S.-Mexico borderlands and the interior United States. According to Dantán, early as 1906, Magón recommended that Mexico be governed by a revolutionary government "made up of the middle class with close ties to the industrial and middle classes with agrarian reform and labor rights. [8] However, George Woodcock surmised that Magón felt that people should be free to govern themselves cooperatively without government.

Beezley posited that by 1900, Ricardo Flores Magón found himself actively embracing two major political movements—liberal reformists and popular social movements—that ultimately became the vehicles for revolution. Maldonado stated that Teodoro Flores taught his sons, Ricardo, Jesus, and Enrique, to "fight for justice in rural communities."[9] Maldonado revealed that Ricardo was a "radical rural leader, who was from the same Mexican state as Porfirio Diaz, a state with a long history of rural uprisings that continue to this day."[10] Maldonado discovered that the Magón brothers began actively challenging Diaz after he regained power in 1884 after his handpicked president of 1880, Manuel Gonzales, changed the Mexican constitution.[11] Maldonado found that "in May 1892, the Magón brothers participated in a student-led demonstration against Díaz's second election."[12]

Magón continued to protest and speak out against Diaz, and in 1901 Diaz put Magón in prison several times.[13] In 1901, the Magónistas first published Regeneración. Ricardo Magón edited the Spanish version of Regeneración, and W.C. Owen and Alfred G. Santleben edited the English version. After Magón's release in 1903, he and Enrique migrated to Los Angeles, California. Maldonado cited that Magón was suspect of any authority because he felt that organized government favored the elite and persecuted the poor.[14] According to Maldonado, in 1906, Magón published a list of demands for Porfirio Diaz to consider entitled "Programa Del Partido Liberal."[15] In 1916, Magón was arrested for sending "indecent materials" through the U.S. Mail. Magón was again arrested in 1918 under the Espionage Act of 1917 in the United States and sentenced to twenty years in Leavenworth, Kansas, for sedition.

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In early December of 1959, Anastas Mikoyan, the Soviet Union’s first deputy premier and one of its most formidable political figures, shouted "Viva México!" to a group of oil workers in the small Veracruz city of Poza Rica. A loud "Viva Rusia!" in reply followed. He added: "I love Mexico because no one is afraid of the word revolution." [1]

Since the beginning of the twentieth century Mexico and the Soviet Union shared a long history of class struggle and an anti-imperialist agenda. The former was the first country in the Western Hemisphere to acknowledge the latter’s statehood in 1924, Mexican communist groups campaigned to relieve hunger in the Volga region just two years prior, and President Lázaro Cárdenas and painter Frida Kahlo were among those who warmly welcomed Leon Trotsky to their home country in 1937. [2]

Yet, relations remained relatively cool until Nikita Khrushchev personally announced the shift in policy towards support of non-Communist developing countries in order to expand Soviet influence during the 21st Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in early 1959. [3] Mexico was undoubtedly one of the targets, but some questions remain. What factors created favorable conditions for the Soviet Union to identify Mexico as a potential recipient of its influence and, on the other hand, what were Mexican motivations for opening up to rapprochement with the Socialistic Block? How did the Soviet government attempt to exert its power and how did the Mexican elites respond to these advances?

Multiple factors created favorable conditions for possible cooperation between Mexico and the USSR during the era. Mexican economic prospects appeared rather dull by the end of the 1950s. No doubt, Latin America was of great importance to the US. Still, Washington’s policymakers consistently ignored the region’s frustrations regarding the lack of postwar settlement. Latin America’s exclusion from the Marshall Plan was particularly disheartening. [4] Eisenhower’s administration pursued economic policy of lower tariffs and private investments in place of inflows of public capital. US reluctance to support potentially undemocratic or corrupt regimes restricted the area’s economic growth. [5] Meanwhile, Partido Revolucionario Institucional had to underwrite further agrarian reforms and an expansion of post-World War II industrialization efforts through private foreign capital. Unequal trade terms between the US and Mexico were creating dependency on Washington and stunted the country’s progress. [6] Ideology also contributed to the ongoing neglect as Eisenhower’s administration pursued a neoliberal agenda of private industries, weak labor codes, and limited social services. [7]

In addition to lack of financial resources and the deficit in the balance of payments (the consequences of First World protectionism), Mexican mining, farming and other industrial sectors suffered from low commodity prices. [8] As the US was accounting for 70-80% of Mexico’s foreign trade turnover during the late 1950s and early 1960s, President López Mateos was seeking to reduce the country’s dependence on Washington by participating in the Latin American free trade zone, broadening business relations with Western European countries, and opening up to the possibility of cooperation with the USSR. [9] In addition, the President was able to use the Left’s defense of the principles of sovereignty and solidarity to support his strategy of diversification and internationalism. [10] These years were crucial for the shaping of a new Mexican Third World global pivot identity and its drive to actively participate in the world-wide Non-Aligned Movement. In other words, The Soviet Offensive fell on fertile Mexican grounds.

After Stalin’s death Moscow had limited political and economic relations with Latin America. Nikita Khrushchev laid a foundation for improvements by launching a Peaceful Coexistence doctrine in 1955. He personally announced the shift in policy towards support of non-Communist developing countries aiming to solidify Soviet influence on them at the 1959 twenty-first party congress. [11] The strategy encompassed the new approach to Global South, renewed focus on the world’s peripheries, and supported liberation movements. [12] The Soviets charged the Western block with “imperialism”, “cosmopolitanism”, and destruction of cultures. The objectives were to undermine US influence, to portray a favorable picture of Soviet life, and to establish connections between various institutions - all with the ultimate goal of smoothing out the path for an eventual “ascension of local communists to power”. [13]

The Russian advance in Mexico began in November 1959 with the Soviet exhibit at the capital’s Auditorio Nacional. Anastas Mikoyan arrived in Mexico City to assist the inauguration of the Soviet Exhibition of Science, Technology and Culture. Following an aggressive advertising campaign, Mikoyan and López Mateos pronounced its official opening. [14] The exposition remained open for twenty-five days and welcomed over a million of Mexican spectators. Showcases featured vehicles, industrial oil equipment, bulldozers, coal mining machines, cultural vitrines, and agricultural tools. However, the most popular display objects were the Lunik and Sputnik spacecrafts. [15] Although not without some criticisms, the exhibit notably boosted the Soviet prestige. Leaflets, press conferences, and publications supplemented propaganda efforts. The Russian blitz also consisted of Mikoyan’s touring of industrial Mexico and his multiple speeches, including one addressing the Mexican Senate. The CIA secretly reported: “His attacks on the policies and activities of the United States and of US firms in Latin America were combined with the reiteration of Soviet interest in increased trade and willingness to extend development credits to Mexico.” [16]

The Russians appeared to offer economic enticements. The Deputy Minister of Foreign Trade S.A. Borisov accompanied Mikoyan with the intent to sell tractors, printing machines, and other industrial goods valued at about 2.8 million Mexican pesos. [17] Economic flirtation continued through Senator Manuel Moreno Sánchez’s arrival to the USSR in May 1960 and through a discussion of trade prospects between A. A. Pavlenko and Alfredo Perera Mena (head editor of “Comercio Exterior” magazine) at the Soviet embassy in Mexico City in June 1962.

The USSR deployed its power in Latin America through technologies, symbolic systems, business, communication, and culture. Cultural pursuits were ubiquitous, and, by all accounts, the most successful. Diego Rivera underwent treatment for cancer in the Soviet Union in 1956. Over a year later, the Russians send their best artists, composers, athletes, and chess masters to Mexico. The Medical scholarship program that included Latin American countries opened in 1959. [18] Around the same time the Piatnitiskiy Folk Choir was touring across the country, two Soviet film festivals and multiple classical music performances entertained Mexican intellectuals and the general public. [19]

Soviet-Mexican relations undoubtedly went through a period of intensification during the late 1950s and early 1960s. However, Moscow’s political and economic influences on Mexico lacked momentum. The country’s strategy of differentiation did not succeed mainly due to the strong economic and financial integration and interdependence that Mexico and the US maintained throughout the mid-1960s. There is lack of documentation that proves that the US exerted direct pressure, but Mexico’s markets heavily relied on US preferential credit lines, like those granted by the Export/Import Bank or the IMF. These flows could “dry up” at any time. [20] In addition, the Mexican consumers were familiar with US products, Soviet goods were not known to the public and would have required intense advertising. [21]

Yet, there were more pragmatic reasons for the fiasco; those included logistical difficulties, underdevelopment of Soviet financial credit mechanisms, some naïveté in dealing with Mexican politicians and, most importantly, internal divisions within the Mexican political establishment and the Mexican Left.

In spite of the apparent lack of success in development of the stable political and economic ties between the two states in the late 1950s and early 1960s, diplomatic and cultural bonds solidified, and initial undertakings paved the way for more successful interactions in the following decade of the 1970s. The presidency of Gustavo Díaz Ordaz (1964–1970) was a period of cooled relations as he had turned away from the agenda of ‘independence’. [22] Moscow had to wait until 1973 to sign a bilateral commercial treaty with Mexico. [23]

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Churches and cathedrals hold much more meaning than just their well known purpose as a place of worship. The enormous size and strategic location of theses cathedrals in a colonial city made strength and power the Spanish held over the indigenous people known. The cathedral of Merida is a perfect example of this since it is the oldest known cathedral in the Americas. After the Spanish conquest, the pressure the locals had to convert to Roman Catholicism was significant to say the least. The indigenous people were not only pressured but forced to convert or they risked facing torture and or death. Along with having to convert to Catholicism the local people were forced to build the cathedrals with materials from there own accent landmarks. These beautiful religious sites of worship were often time built on top of the ruins of the previous civilization. Although the materials were used from the area, the design and architecture of the cathedrals were based off of European architecture in Spain. With the exception of one, all Spanish cathedrals face the plaza.

The Merida cathedral was built during the late 16 century as a dedication to Archbishop IIdefonso of Toledo. Ildefonso received this dedication due to entering an agreement with the Montejo family who held power in Merida. The first church at this site was a tiny wooden building that didn’t last long before construction of a brand new limestone cathedral began. In 1542, Bishop Francisco Toral starts to construct the massive stone cathedral that stands today. The cathedral's final blueprint was proposed by architect Juan Miguel de Aguero, in 1585 and completed in 1599. This was the first completed cathedral in all of the America’s which strongly resembled the Cathedral of Santo Domingo. Mayan slaves were forced to build the cathedral using material from the scared mountains their ancestors had built. Later during the revolutionary period, natives would hold up in the cathedral and use it as a vantage point for firing their weapons. The Merida cathedral faces the center of the plaza and is located on the eastern side.

In order to truly understand the history behind this great cathedral we must look at the history of Merida itself. In January 1562, Francisco de Montejo founded the city of Merida which actually was a Mayan center named, Ichcaansiho. The City of Merida was originally named Tiho but was renamed due it is close resemblance to the city Merida in Spain which was decorated with beautiful stonework. The original name of the city came from the battle that was fought against the Maya in order to conquer the city. The plaza at the center of the city was home to three main structures; The cathedral, the Montejo family palace and the government building that housed the offices of government officials. Like many other Spanish cities, the Meida plaza is in a grid pattern. Today the plaza remains the main gathering place for its people.

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In the heart of Mexico City, the historical site of Tlatelolco tells a portion of the history the Aztec Empire left behind. Tlatelolco is known as The Plaza of Three Cultures due to this location representing the indigenous Aztec people, the Spanish colonies and a combination of both, the people of Mexico. This city was built on upon a shallow lake bed which was built up by the Aztecs in order to use the land. This is why most of the buildings and different historical sites are sinking and are not level. The Aztec ruins signifies the earliest of the three cultures dating back to around 1473 which was known for its enormous market that served thousands of people each day.

The Aztec’s believed that their God, Huitzilopochtli had selected them to rule over this land when they arrived. A group of people from Tenochtitlan had left their home and began building what is now known as Tlatelolco. The two cities remained independent until 1473 when an Aztec ruler decided the city would serve him better under his complete control. A war between the two cities had broken out and eventually Tenochtitlan defeated Tlatelolco and put them under their authority. Tlatelolco and Tenochtitlan ruled alongside one another, splitting up the things that were needed for the two city states to function property. Tenochtitlan held political power and Tlatelolco held power of military, trade and production of food. In 1519, the Spanish arrived and Spanish leader Hernan Cortez, began his conquest of Tlatelolco and eventually gained control in in 1521. Cortez defeated the Aztec empire which was the last indigenous group to withstand Spanish rule.

There are over sixty different pre-Hispanic structures located at Tlatelolco that consisted of the calendar temple, the temple of the paintings, great platforms of previous structures, many altars and the most recent discovery, the mass burial site of about 200 Aztec sacrifices. In 2009, the mass grave was discovered and was said to have been dated to the time of the Spanish conquest. This was thought to be true due to the bodies showing evidence of Aztec rituals as well as evidence Spanish goods. The Aztec bodies that were found were thought to have died in the battle against Cortez. The archaeological dig at this site began in 1944 and continues on through today. As previously mention the location of this site makes it especially hard to excavate, the government is constantly wanting to continue on with researching its past but in order to continues discovering the people before colonial times, they will need to disrupt what was built on top at a later point in history.

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The Church of Santiago Tlatelolco was built as a symbol of the Spanish conquest in 1521. This was the first cathedral built during the period of the Spanish trying to establish a new-found civilization in the Americas. Cortez wanted to make sure to destroy the previous culture and reinforce the Spanish ways of life. The Spanish destroyed the temples that were currently standing in order to build the cathedral.

The main entrance to the cathedral faces north to the center of the plaza, directly in front of the Aztec ruins. The outside structure is decorated with huge columns of the catholic saints that the Spanish idolized and are still worshiped today. Within the cathedral is a mural of San Cristobal which is around eight meters in height. The cathedral was built to honor of him, who was considered the symbol Catholicism in the new world. Later in 1540, the cathedral was expanded by the creation of two other structures for the missionaries to teach the indigenous children.

Overtime the cathedral has been used for many different purposes other than simply a place of worship. After the school closing, the church became the college of the holy cross and then it was abandoned for a period of time due war. In the 19th century the cathedral was revamped into its original purpose due to the new rail yard that was located nearby. After that, the church was used as a winery and the other structures were used as a military prison until 1944 when excavation began. Finally after excavation and restoration the cathedral was reverted back to its original purpose, a place Catholics could use for worship. Although this structure has been used for many purposes no major changes have been to the original structure.

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Cranial Deformation, head flattening, head binding is a form of body alteration in which the skull of a human being is deformed intentionally. It is seen in ancient civilizations across the hemispheres. This procedure takes place while still in infancy. A board would be placed and attached to the infant’s head. This was done once they were four or five days old. All children underwent cranial Deformation in the Pre Classic period. which was from 500-300 BC. However, in the Classic period from 250-900 AD only nobility went through the cranial deformation process. This was concluded through archaeological digs.

The first skull shape found was oblong. In order to achieve this the parents would attach boards to the children. The bright side of oblong shaping was that it did not interfere with the child's ability to move about. Where when the corn shaping took place in the Classic period; it was not uncommon for a couple to lose a child from the hardships of undergoing head flattening.

There were two ways to go about changing the shape of the skull around the time of birth. The first was by compressing the infant’s head with pads and adjusting the bindings to one’s liking. The second way was to put the child into a constricting child's bed that was designed for the practice of cranium reshaping itself.

Why was the child's head shaped to resemble corn? Corn is the root of the Mesoamerican civilization. Without corn there wouldn't be a country. Corn was the first crop they mass produced and would become part of the Mesoamerican diet. Shaping children's head to corn was believed to bring them closer to the divine rulers. Yet, it also showed ones place within Mayan society. If your head shape resembled that of the maize God, then that let everyone know you were of noble status. It also displayed where one was positioned in the social hierarchy. This was in addition to the bloodline. Sometimes the bloodline wasn't enough only because queens would come from other areas for political reasons and it could cause blurred lines as to who the royalty was especially if she picked a man who was once a commoner as her mate and partner.

The process of head binding was not pleasant in the slightest. Many children suffered while going through the transition. The process at its worst could ultimately end in a child's death, which was not uncommon. The reason death was not so uncommon was because the children would be left there in the same position until the allotted time had passed. So essentially the children were left in one place until the transformation was completed. Often times there were holes left behind the ears. This was a result of the magnitude at which this procedure was performed.

One can conclude that while head flattening was painful, and at times deadly, it was part of the Mayan culture. It gave the people the chance to believe in something greater. It also provided a sense belonging and place in society.

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Bartholomew de las Casas was born in Seville, Spain in 1474. He was the son of a merchant. He came from a farming and mercantilist background. This would prove crucial in his later years, while helping the Indigenous. He had met the royal family of Spain several times. It was not uncommon for him to find himself in their company at any given time.

At the age of nine Bartolome had the privilege of watching Christopher Columbus' return parade. This was in celebrating his successful return back from the Americas for the first time. Bartholomew's father was able to be one of many to accompany Columbus on his second voyage to America. While away his father accumulated great wealth.

In the meantime Las Casas studied Latin in addition to his letters. When his father returned in 1498 Bartholomew asked of his father that he be able to attend school. He had an interest in law. Given that his father had acquired more than enough money he obliged. Casas was sent to the finest University in Spain at the time. There he studied canon law. Bartholomew not only received one, degree, but two. Yet, he got them at two different times. The first he got before he went on his initial trip to the Island Hispaniola. While there he took care of his father's land as well as his own. This land was allotted to them through encomiendas. He was also currently in the Spanish military.

During this time he witnessed many injustices inflicted upon the Indians by the Spanish. The Spanish enslaved Indians to mine for gold on their lands. Bartholomew also witnessed more atrocities committed against the Indians by the Dominicans. This caused him to later denounce the encomienda system in 1511. In 1514 de las Casas gave up his encomienda and his ownership of Indians.

He later went on to write several books. Yet, one that is remembered is the New Laws. It made slavery illegal. It stated that if a slave that person could only be held for a single generation. In an effort to enforce these New Laws Bartholomew himself made a trip to Chiapas. This new ordinance was met with great resistance by settlers in Chiapas. The king of Spain ended up backing the New Laws and forcing everyone to see it as legitimate. Another book he published was called, Brief Relation of Destruction of the Indies. Many people disagreed about the contents of this book. One of them being a man by the name of Juan Sepulveda. So he wrote a book justifying war with the Indians. Casas was so dismayed that he went to the Council of Valladolid and made sure Sepulveda's book was not published.

Casas would spend his remaining years in Spain. While in Spain he would advocate and write for Indians rights and proper treatment. This among other things would earn him the name , "Defender of the Indians". In life he was known to be a humanitarian, spanish historian, and missionary. He was many other things as well, but those three to name a few. He passed in July of 1566.

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The children of the Maya came up in two different social classes. Either they were of nobility or they were commoners. Regardless of what social class three things that all children had in common was a symbol of purity, being cross eyed, and social values.

As an infant parents would place an object between their child's eyes to force their child to look at the object for long periods of time. In exchange the child would become permanently cross eyed over time.

The other similarity across the board is that the children would wear symbols to show they were still pure. The boys at the age of five would have a white bead placed in their hair for all to see. The little girls at the same age would be required to wear a red shell signifying their purity. The purity symbolisms would be removed at ceremonies marking the day of each reaching their puberty.

All children were required to have certain values instilled in them. The first was a strong work ethic. They also had to work with the well being of the whole community in mind. Children also had to be able to respect their elders. They were also expected to be held accountable for their actions and have common sense. These were all musts among the Mayan culture.

Now as far as the division between classes goes commoners and nobility were educated differently. The dynamic of a noble child's education varied in that the children were taught by priests. Additionally, these children were taught medicine, writing, math, astronomy, science, and many other subjects.

Commoner children were taught their parents trade skill. This would remain with them the rest of their lives, even if they were not good at it. The only way a child might avoid doing the job of his father was if he was incredibly skilled in the arts. If this was the case he could be picked out and trained in that profession. Yet, this was incredibly rare. The social structure was very rigid. It allowed little to no social mobility. Young ladies would live with their parents until they were married. This typically didn't happen until they were fifteen. The marriages were also arranged. They would learn from a young age how to prepare meals, clean up, and weave materials.

The young men were allowed to venture wherever they pleased, while unmarried. They were known to paint their faces black and live in group housing. Here they would learn how to do crafts, participate in fighting, and enjoy games.

All in all, children whether male or female, noble or commoner learned how to effectively be a part of Maya culture. The role of the woman taking care of home has transcended time as well as the man defending it. Children are still expected to gain a strong work ethic and respect their elders. its an unspoken societal norm. Children still learn from watching parents. The Mayans might have said somethings are better left unchanged if they could see traditions carried on.

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